82% от българите на възраст между 15 и 22 години активно планират напускане на страната преди 30-годишна възраст.

другите 69 нарушения

Нанков: Единствените договори за мантинели за последните 9 г. са подписани от екипа на министър Шишков

Националната агенция за приходите (НАП) е извършила 240 проверки по Българското Черноморие от началото на лятната контролна кампания от понеделник до вчера, като при 70 от тях са установени нарушения. Това съобщи пред журналисти в Бургас Анна Митова, директор на дирекция "Комуникации" в НАП.
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Към момента екипи на приходната агенция проверяват заведения, павилиони и обекти за плажни услуги по крайбрежната ивица в Бургас. При една от текущите проверки вече е установено неиздаване на фискален бон.

Проверките продължават. Ще предоставим повече информация за резултатите през следващите дни, каза Митова.

Тя уточни, че най-често установяваното нарушение е неиздаването на касова бележка

Foreign Policy named the grouping on July 1, 2026, describing it as a diplomatic and strategic coordination mechanism with two stated goals: containing Iran and pushing back against Israeli territorial expansion. What the framing missed is that the coalition is also a demotion notice for the GCC. Four foreign-minister meetings in thirty-one days — Riyadh on March 18–19, Islamabad on March 29, Islamabad deputy ministers on April 14, Antalya on April 17–19 — produced a working consultation architecture without a single GCC signature block. Qatar joined as the fifth member for the diplomatic layer. The security quadrilateral remains Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Pakistan. The UAE was not invited, has not asked to join, and has not publicly explained its absence. Its silence is the most legible statement it has issued in six months.
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Prince Turki al-Faisal, the former Saudi intelligence chief, told IPS Journal that “had the Israeli plan to ignite war between us and Iran succeeded, the region would have been plunged into ruin and destruction,”
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The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement Saudi Arabia signed with Pakistan in September 2025 — “attacks on either nation constitute attacks on both” — is the first Article 5–equivalent language Riyadh has ever obtained from a nuclear-armed partner, and Yoel Guzansky of the Institute for National Security Studies confirmed on June 2, 2026 that by April Pakistan had positioned 8,000 troops, a fighter squadron, unmanned aerial vehicles, and air-defence systems at King Abdulaziz Air Base. The Emirati force posture never approached that number and never carried that clause.

Turkey enters the map through a February 2026 bilateral military agreement with Egypt, layered atop a $350 million export deal from Turkish arms firm MKE to Egypt’s Ministry of Defence, documented by the OSW Centre for Eastern Studies. Two of the four security quadrilateral members thus arrived with a signed defence relationship of their own before Riyadh convened them. The quintet did not create Turkey-Egypt coordination — it inherited it.
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Pakistan carries the quintet because it supplies three things no other member can: a nuclear-weapons state’s implicit umbrella, the Sunni Muslim demographic weight that dwarfs the rest of the coalition combined, and the only Article 5–equivalent defence commitment Riyadh holds with any state. Turkey brings NATO credentials but no bilateral defence guarantee to Saudi Arabia. Egypt brings Arab League cover but a peace treaty with Israel that constrains its options. Pakistan brings both signature and hardware.
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Islamabad brings a second asset that Riyadh needs and Abu Dhabi has actively worked to deny. Pakistan and Qatar co-mediated the US-Iran Doha talks that concluded on July 1 with what the mediators called “positive progress.”
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Hakan Fidan, the Turkish foreign minister, has been the coalition’s most visible spokesman. In March 2026 he told Middle East Eye, “We are exploring how, as countries with a certain degree of influence in the region, we can combine our strengths to solve problems.” In April he told OSW Centre for Eastern Studies, “Either we come together and learn to solve our own problems ourselves, or an external hegemon will come and either impose solutions that serve its own interests.”

The Fidan formulation contains a deliberate ambiguity about the identity of the “external hegemon.” Publicly it means the United States. Privately, according to two European diplomats cited by Al Jazeera Centre for Studies, it also means Israel
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Turkey is the only quintet member with active diplomatic channels to Moscow, Kyiv, Tehran, and Doha simultaneously. Ankara’s ability to speak to actors Riyadh cannot address directly — the Iranian foreign ministry above the technical-talks level, Hamas political leadership, the Muslim Brotherhood-adjacent networks in Cairo — is a specific service the coalition purchases with the diplomatic legitimacy Turkey receives in return.
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Abu Dhabi’s absence from the quintet is not a passive omission. The UAE is running an actively counter-Riyadh regional strategy across multiple files simultaneously, and the quintet was designed with that strategy as a known input rather than an unknown risk.